How Work-Life Balance and Research Skills Proficiency Affect Research Engagement

Introduction

Master’s degree is acclaimed world over as the minimal formal education credential that high-skills employers require (Ewell, 2013; Graduate Schools and Educational Testing Service, 2010; Jibril, 2004). In response to this fact, many countries and regions of the world have embraced graduate education at Master’s level as a vital component of economic development. The countries and regions have embarked on national investments of educating their populations to at least Master’s degree level so as to produce innovative, critically thinking graduates who can devise solutions to extant challenges facing their nations.

In the developed world, the picture painted of formal education is that the more an individual has acquired it, the more paying will be the job he or she will get, the higher will be his or her income, and consequently the better will be his or her expected standard of living (Eurofound, 2005; Maxwell & McDougall, 2004). To this effect, many first-degree holding employees in Europe, irrespective of gender, register for Master’s programmes with a hope of landing higher paying jobs after completion to earn higher wages wherefrom to improve their standards of living (Eurofound, 2005).

In the African context, the UNDP (2009) observes that African higher education in general is characterised by extremely low participation rates, that is, there are far fewer students at tertiary institutions and universities than there are at the lower levels of education. The gross enrolment ratio in higher education is pictured by the UNDP at 4% in Sub-Saharan Africa as opposed to the world average of 27%. These figures are mainly a reflection of the low resource settings characterising the Sub-Saharan Africa. Uganda is reported to have even a lower average of 3.5% (Musisi & Mayega, 2010), meaning that the socioeconomic status of the Ugandan population averages far below the continental average. However, according to Pillay (2010, p. 224), “even though participation rates remain low in the context of a growing population, enrolments (in higher education in Africa) are growing everywhere in absolute terms, in several cases quite dramatically.” Many first-degree holders in Africa enrol for Master’s degree programmes either within their own countries, or go abroad, or pursue sandwich programmes between universities within their own countries and other universities abroad.

In Uganda, the demand for higher education, including enrolment for Master’s programmes, is projected to continue growing (Musisi & Mayega, 2010). This, according to the same authors, is attributable to (a) high population growth, (b) universal primary education and universal secondary education that continue to produce more competitors for the existing job opportunities, (c) increased household income, (d) growing recognition of the role of higher education in national development, and (e) the expected high private returns to higher education. The projected higher enrolment can be explained further by the fact that the Government of Uganda posits and hence imparts formal education as a key determinant of the lifestyle and status an individual enjoys in a society (Uganda Bureau of Statistics [UBOS], 2010). In line with this, the enlightened Ugandan population has with time realized that the higher the level of education an individual has attained, the more knowledgeable the individual is about the need and use of available facilities in his or her community. Therefore, many first-degree holders venture to advance their academic credentials through pursuing a Master’s degree so as to be better edged for social and economic upliftment in terms of salary and/or wage earnings.

In the public service in Uganda, covetable salary increments are on average three times higher among higher academic qualification than lower academic qualification positions (Teachers Initiative in Sub-Saharan Africa [TISSA], 2013). TISSA further notes that with particular reference to education service, some specific officers and upper level management such as head teachers and commissioners are targeted for additional increases triple their total nominal wage increase. In addition, the promotion modality of rising from lower positions to higher ones within the education service requires a lag of at least six years in service. The subsequent pay progression to the top of the scale is automatic for the majority of officers, and once they reach the top of the scale, the only avenues for increases are through promotions to higher managerial posts attainable through accumulation of additional academic qualifications.